This morning I want to talk about the future of Europe. But first, let us remember the
past.
Seventy years ago, Europe was being torn apart by its second catastrophic conflict in a
generation. A war which saw the streets of European cities strewn with rubble. The
skies of London lit by flames night after night. And millions dead across the world in
the battle for peace and liberty.
As we remember their sacrifice, so we should also remember how the shift in Europe
from war to sustained peace came about. It did not happen like a change in the weather.
It happened because of determined work over generations. A commitment to friendship
and a resolve never to re-visit that dark past – a commitment epitomised by the Elysee
Treaty signed 50 years ago this week. After the Berlin Wall came down I visited that
city and I will never forget it. The abandoned checkpoints. The sense of excitement
about the future. The knowledge that a great continent was coming together. Healing
those wounds of our history is the central story of the European Union.
What Churchill described as the twin marauders of war and tyranny have been almost
entirely banished from our continent. Today, hundreds of millions dwell in freedom,
from the Baltic to the Adriatic, from the Western Approaches to the Aegean.
And while we must never take this for granted, the first purpose of the European Union
– to secure peace – has been achieved and we should pay tribute to all those in the EU,
alongside NATO, who made that happen. But today the main, over-riding purpose of
the European Union is different: not to win peace, but to secure prosperity.
The challenges come not from within this continent but outside it. From the surging
economies in the East and South. Of course a growing world economy benefits us all,
but we should be in no doubt that a new global race of nations is underway today.
A race for the wealth and jobs of the future.
The map of global influence is changing before our eyes. And these changes are already
being felt by the entrepreneur in the Netherlands, the worker in Germany, the family in
Britain.
So I want to speak to you today with urgency and frankness about the European Union
and how it must change – both to deliver prosperity and to retain the support of its
peoples.
But first, I want to set out the spirit in which I approach these issues. I know that the
United Kingdom is sometimes seen as an argumentative and rather strong-minded
member of the family of European nations. And it’s true that our geography has shaped
our psychology.
We have the character of an island nation – independent, forthright, passionate in
defence of our sovereignty.
We can no more change this British sensibility than we can drain the English Channel.
And because of this sensibility, we come to the European Union with a frame of mind
that is more practical than emotional. For us, the European Union is a means to an end –
prosperity, stability, the anchor of freedom and democracy both within Europe and
beyond her shores – not an end in itself.
We insistently ask: How? Why? To what end? But all this doesn’t make us somehow
un-European.
The fact is that ours is not just an island story – it is also a continental story.
For all our connections to the rest of the world – of which we are rightly proud – we
have always been a European power – and we always will be. From Caesar’s legions to
the Napoleonic Wars. From the Reformation, the Enlightenment and the Industrial
Revolution to the defeat of Nazism. We have helped to write European history, and
Europe has helped write ours.
Over the years, Britain has made her own, unique contribution to Europe. We have
provided a haven to those fleeing tyranny and persecution. And in Europe’s darkest
hour, we helped keep the flame of liberty alight. Across the continent, in silent
cemeteries, lie the hundreds of thousands of British servicemen who gave their lives for
Europe’s freedom.
In more recent decades, we have played our part in tearing down the Iron Curtain and
championing the entry into the EU of those countries that lost so many years to
Communism. And contained in this history is the crucial point about Britain, our
national character, our attitude to Europe.
Britain is characterised not just by its independence but, above all, by its openness.
We have always been a country that reaches out. That turns its face to the world...
That leads the charge in the fight for global trade and against protectionism. This is
Britain today, as it’s always been: Independent, yes – but open, too. I never want us to
pull up the drawbridge and retreat from the world. I am not a British isolationist.
I don’t just want a better deal for Britain. I want a better deal for Europe too.
So I speak as British Prime Minister with a positive vision for the future of the
European Union. A future in which Britain wants, and should want, to play a committed
and active part.
Some might then ask: why raise fundamental questions about the future of Europe when
Europe is already in the midst of a deep crisis? Why raise questions about Britain’s role
when support in Britain is already so thin.
There are always voices saying “don’t ask the difficult questions.” But it’s essential for
Europe – and for Britain – that we do because there are three major challenges
confronting us today.
First, the problems in the Eurozone are driving fundamental change in Europe. Second,
there is a crisis of European competitiveness, as other nations across the world soar
ahead. And third, there is a gap between the EU and its citizens which has grown
dramatically in recent years. And which represents a lack of democratic accountability
and consent that is – yes – felt particularly acutely in Britain.
If we don’t address these challenges, the danger is that Europe will fail and the British
people will drift towards the exit.
I do not want that to happen. I want the European Union to be a success. And I want a
relationship between Britain and the EU that keeps us in it.
That is why I am here today: To acknowledge the nature of the challenges we face. To
set out how I believe the European Union should respond to them. And to explain what
I want to achieve for Britain and its place within the European Union.
Let me start with the nature of the challenges we face. First, the Eurozone.
The future shape of Europe is being forged. There are some serious questions that will
define the future of the European Union – and the future of every country within it.
The Union is changing to help fix the currency – and that has profound implications for
all of us, whether we are in the single currency or not. Britain is not in the single
currency, and we’re not going to be. But we all need the Eurozone to have the right
governance and structures to secure a successful currency for the long term.
And those of us outside the Eurozone also need certain safeguards to ensure, for
example, that our access to the Single Market is not in any way compromised. And it’s
right we begin to address these issues now.
Second, while there are some countries within the EU which are doing pretty well.
Taken as a whole, Europe’s share of world output is projected to fall by almost a third
in the next two decades. This is the competitiveness challenge – and much of our
weakness in meeting it is self-inflicted.
Complex rules restricting our labour markets are not some naturally occurring
phenomenon. Just as excessive regulation is not some external plague that’s been visited
on our businesses.
These problems have been around too long. And the progress in dealing with them, far
too slow.
As Chancellor Merkel has said – if Europe today accounts for just over 7 per cent of the
world’s population, produces around 25 per cent of global GDP and has to finance 50
per cent of global social spending, then it’s obvious that it will have to work very hard
to maintain its prosperity and way of life.
Third, there is a growing frustration that the EU is seen as something that is done to
people rather than acting on their behalf. And this is being intensified by the very
solutions required to resolve the economic problems.
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